https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/201 ... -officials
Arpaio pardon flouts constitution, ex-White House officials say
Donald Trump’s pardon of Joe Arpaio takes him into uncharted territory, experts say, in a move that could predict pardons in the Russia investigation
https://narcosphere.narconews.com/noteb ... omes-focus
Kremlin’s Quid Pro Quo Deal With Trump Camp Comes Into Focus
Posted by Bill Conroy - July 17, 2017 at 8:22 pm
Pact Appears to Implicate an Unlikely Alliance Involving the Russian Arms Business, a Hollywood Actor and the NRA
It’s a good bet most people haven’t heard of Russian billionaire Igor Kesaev, even though he is on Forbes magazine’s list of the world’s richest people.
His business holdings include real estate; a major Russian retail chain; an extensive cigarette-distribution empire that involves a partnership with the U.S. cigarette-manufacturer Philip Morris; and the V.A. Degtyarev Plant weapons factory, which produces, among other deadly weapons, anti-tank missiles, portable air-defense systems, machine guns and Kalashnikov automatic rifles.
Kesaev, who supports a foundation called the Monolit fund, which benefits veteran Russian intelligence agents and military officers, also has been targeted for U.S. Magnitsky Act sanctions for his alleged complicity in conspiring with Russian government officials to violate the human rights of Russian business owners via extortion, incarceration and other intimidation in order to appropriate their business assets and perpetrate tax fraud. Kesaev, of course, bills himself as a legitimate Russian businessman and patriot.
He is precisely the type of individual Russian attorney and suspected Kremlin intelligence asset Natalia Veselnitskaya was seeking to protect when she met at Trump Tower with a team of the U.S. president’s top advisors — including Donald Trump Jr., Paul Manafort and Jared Kushner — on June 9, 2016.
The purpose of that meeting, based on an assessment of press reports to date, was likely to lobby the Trump team to support freezing and, in time, sunsetting the Magnitsky Act sanctions, which target Russian officials accused of human rights violations. In return, the Kremlin would assist in dirtying up presidential candidate Hillary Clinton. As president, Donald Trump now has the power, via the State and Treasury departments, to add names to or withhold names from the Magnitsky sanctions list, although it would take an act of Congress and the president’s signature to undo the Magnitsky Act itself.
The Magnitsky Act stems from events that played out in Russia more than a decade ago, and the law has been a thorn in Russian President Vladimir Putin’s despotic paw ever since it was enacted. From the mid-1990s until 2005, businessman William Browder operated Hermitage Capital Management, which oversaw the largest foreign-investment fund in Russia at the time. He had a falling out with the Kremlin, however, and was expelled from Russia in 2005, after being declared a national security threat — and his company’s assets were seized as part of what Browder alleges was an elaborate tax-fraud scheme perpetrated by Russian authorities.
Sergei Magnitsky, Browder’s Russian attorney, began to dig into the suspected conspiracy and was later arrested by the same authorities his investigation had implicated in the alleged tax fraud against Hermitage. Magnitsky died in jail in late 2009 after months of brutal torture.
Magnitsky’s fate sparked international outrage, leading to President Barack Obama in 2012 signing into law the Magnitsky Act, which places visa sanctions and asset freezes on all those believed to be involved in the mistreatment and ultimate death of Magnitsky.
So, winding up on the Magnitsky sanctions list for Kesaev, and others who are part of Putin’s inner circle, would be a major business disruptor. In the case of Kesaev, those business interests include a $1.5 billion partnership with cigarette maker Philip Morris and co-investor Japan Tobacco. They also include plans to expand arms sales from his Moscow weapons factory by exploiting the U.S. gun-rights market — an effort being enabled by some interesting U.S.-based bedfellows, including the National Rifle Association (NRA) and Hollywood actor Steven Seagal.
Manafort in the Middle
Trump confidante Manafort’s presence at the June 9, 2016, meeting with the Russian attorney Veselnitskaya is of particular interest, given his past relationships with Kremlin-based actors.
In the mid-2000s Paul Manafort, Trump’s former campaign chair who remains a close advisor to the president, was working deals in Ukraine that involved Russian interests. Manafort worked as a close advisor to former Ukraine President Viktor Yanukovych, whose regime was supported clandestinely by Russian President Putin. Manafort helped to get Yanukovych elected as president of Ukraine in 2010. Yanukovych abandoned his presidency and fled to Russia four years later, after his government was toppled in the wake of mass protests over his corruption and ties to the Kremlin.
Yanukovych also is allegedly linked to Russia’s FSB intelligence service (which replaced the KGB) through the billionaire Kesaev, who controls the Russian conglomerate the Mercury Group, which operates a subsidiary called Megapolis that dominates the cigarette-distribution market in Russia and Ukraine.
Sergiy Vysotskiy, a member of the Ukrainian parliament (or Verkhovna Rada), alleged in a past interview with Narco News that Kesaev has close ties to the Russian FSB. Neither Keaseav nor officials from his company replied to a request for comment from Narco News.
A past investigation by the Center for Public Integrity explored Kesaev’s links to the Russian deep state in-depth — including Kesaev’s role as the head of a fund that provides financial assistance to former Russian security-service officers (including veteran FSB and Russian military officers) and his partnership in the weapons business with former high-ranking Russian military officials.
In addition, Vysotskiy, a member of Ukraine’s People’s Front political party, contends that Yanukovych and various of his cronies are in business with Kesaev through the Russian magnate’s cigarette-distribution operations in Ukraine. That business partnership, by extension, raises questions about the extent of Manafort’s relationship with Kesaev, given Manafort was intimate with former Ukrainian President Yanukovych’s world as his longtime political advisor and strategist.
“The heads of Ukraine intelligence and security services during the time of Yanukovych were all FSB-connected persons,” Vysotskiy said. “So, is he [Manafort] an idiot and didn't see what's was happening around him? Or he just didn't care that he is building a PR and foreign-relations strategy for criminal, corrupted government that was ready to sell out my country to Kremlin like it was a garage sale?”
Since Yanukovych’s ouster from power, Ukrainian anticorruption officials have uncovered logbooks showing Yanukovych paid some $2 billion in bribes while in office. Some $12.7 million worth of the bribes entered in the ledgers, according to recent media reports, were earmarked for Manafort between 2007-12. Manafort contends, however, that he never received any such payments.
The NRA ‘Tour’
So how would the Russian attorney Veselnitskaya’s play to enlist Trump’s top advisors, including Manafort, in an effort to neutralize the Magnitsky sanctions help Kesaev?
Well, should Kesaev be placed on the U.S. sanctions list, his billion-dollar partnership with U.S. based Philip Morris almost certainly would be in jeopardy, as would another project: Kesaev’s plan to expand arms sales from his V.A. Degtyarev weapons-manufacturing plant. That plan entails undertaking a lobbying effort in the U.S that is focused on getting the U.S. government to lift restrictions on the sales of Russian weapons in the United States.
The Moscow Times reported in 2013 that Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin, who is on a U.S. sanctions list related to Russia’s invasion of the Crimea in 2014, is leading the arms-sales charge that would benefit Kesaev’s weapons plant and has even enlisted U.S. actor Steven Seagal “to lobby for easing restrictions on the sale of Russian sporting rifles to the United States.”
More form the Moscow Times story:
Seagal, a long-time acquaintance of President Vladimir Putin, met with Rogozin on Tuesday [March 19, 2013] in the Cabinet building. The official asked the movie star to lobby U.S. hunting and rifle associations [such as the NRA].
"Your connections within the American establishment could help resolve this issue," Rogozin said while addressing Seagal, who wore black clothes and a big sports watch.
Rogozin even tweeted about the relationship with Seagal a year later, on May 11, 2014:
Btw I also publish Steven Seagal photo who got engaged in promoting Russian weapons and supported us in crisis days.
Seagal’s relationship with the Russian arms industry was exposed further by England’s Guardian newspaper:
The actor Steven Seagal has become an unlikely business envoy for a pre-Russian revolutionary arms factory [Kesaev’s V.A.Degtyarev weapons plant]after agreeing to feature in adverts marketing its weapons in the US.
"… My friend Igor Kesayev [alternate spelling of Kesaev]invited me here. On his request, I will feature in adverts for Kovrov weapons for the US," the Russian tabloid Komsomolskaya Pravda reported Seagal as saying. "I trust Kesayev. Whatever's put in my hands, I will advertise."
So, it would appear Kesaev and Seagal are business buddies in the arms trade. And, based on a Seagal tweet in reaction to Trump’s inauguration speech, he also is a fan of President Trump.
Congratulations to President Donald Trump! Wonderful speech! So grateful & proud to finally have a president 4 the People!
Seagal also appears to be tight with another Russian billionaire family, Emin Agalarov and his father, Aras. The father-and-son team last year attended a coming-out party for a new watch collection being marketed by Seagal. In addition, Emin Agalarov and Seagal, an aspiring blues guitarist, have worked on entertainment-related projects together, including a music video, according to media reports.
Emin Agalarov, besides his role as an executive with his father’s real estate development company, the Crocus Group, also is a Russian pop music star and business acquaintance of Donald Trump Jr. The Agalarovs partnered with the senior Donald Trump to stage the Miss Universe pageant in Russia in 2013 and have had continuing access to the Trump family, according to media reports.
It was Emin Agalarov who helped to coordinate the meeting at Trump Tower in June 2016 between Russian attorney Veselnitskaya and Trump Jr. — and fellow presidential advisors Manafort and Kushner.
The weapons connection doesn’t end with Seagal, however. Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin, and by extension Kesaev and his arms factory, also have courted the National Rifle Association (NRA), which was among President Trump’s biggest campaign backers.
In late 2015, Russia hosted a delegation from the NRA, including some of its top leadership. While in Russia, the NRA delegation met with Deputy Prime Minister Rogozin, even though he is the target of U.S. sanctions, according to the Daily Beast:
The NRA had previously objected to the parts of the U.S. sanctions regime that blocked Russian-made guns from import into the United States. But curiously, David Keene, the former NRA president and current board member who was on the Moscow trip, insisted the meeting with the high-ranking member of the Kremlin government had nothing whatsoever to do with geopolitics.
“Rogozin is chairman of the Russian Shooting Federation and his Board hosted a tour of Federation HQ for us while we were there,” Keene told The Daily Beast. “It was non-political. There were at least 30 in attendance and our interaction consisted of thanking him and his Board for the tour.”
Also part of the NRA delegation to Russia was vocal Trump backer and hardline gun advocate Milwaukee Country Sheriff David Clarke, who was until recently in line for a major Department of Homeland Security post with the Trump administration, which Clarke ultimately decided to turn down. The same week as NRA leaders were gathering in Russia in December 2015, retired Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn, Trump’s former national security advisor, was having dinner with Putin at a Moscow gala sponsored by Russia Today, a state-backed media outlet, the Daily Beast reported.
The Red Dragon
The assurances from the NRA’s Keene that the gun-lobbying organization’s involvement with a member of Putin’s inner circle was solely about an office “tour” now seem to ring hollow, and likely merit further scrutiny in light of Rogozinand Kesaev’s efforts to expand Russian arms sales in the U.S. — which are focused on consumer sales of sporting rifles.
And add to that Putin-backed gun-lobbying effort the recent revelations about the Kremlin-linked lawyer’s efforts to strike a quid pro quo deal with the Trump administration — which appears to have called on Trump to support a freeze and eventually roll back of Magintsky Act sanctions in exchange for help in dirtying up presidential candidate Hillary Clinton.
But don’t expect the truth to be easy to get at in this case. Kesaev’s alleged links to the state-sponsored company raids and related tax-fraud schemes that led to the murder of Russian attorney Magnitsky were first advanced in 2010 by Russian attorney Alexander Dobrovinsky. At the time, he represented a Russian businessman jailed as part of an alleged effort to seize his company assets.
Dobrovinsky voiced his concerns about Kesaev’s ties to his client’s plight in a letter to the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the Helsinki Commission.
Russia! Magazine reported on the allegations at the time:
Dobrovinsky's letter [to the Helsinki Commission], a copy of which was obtained by Russia! Magazine, recounted how his client, Moscow entrepreneur Armen Yeganyan, was allegedly blackmailed by corrupt Russian officials attempting to seize his $120 million wine and cognac business. Many of the officials involved in the attempted takeover, Dobrovinsky wrote, were also implicated in the tragic 2009 case of Sergei Magnitsky.
…"The information available to us indicates a possible link between the ... criminal case against Armen Yeganyan [and] an attempt to establish control over KiN Moscow Wine and Cognac Plant's activity on the part of the structures controlled by [Russian businessman] Igor Kesayev, one of the major Philip Morris distributors in this country, and the actions of law enforcement agencies subsequent to this conflict with respect to Mr. Yeganyan," Dobrovinsky wrote. [Emphasis added.]
Dobrovinsky’s letter to the Helsinki Commission, chaired at the time by U.S. Sen. Ben Cardin, can be found at this link.
Narco News contacted Dobrovinsky via email about the KiN case and his allegations of Kesaev’s complicity with the parties involved in the Magnitsky-related corruption, and he indicated that he has since reconsidered his position on Kesaev’s involvement.
From Dobrovinsky’s email to Narco News:
Everything that I said [at] that time was true. But during the litigation I didn't feel it anymore. For my biggest surprise.
… The two parties find solution, and if I remember correctly, my client [Yeganyan] sold his shares [in his company] for much more that he expected.
His lawyer [Dobrovinsky] was very happy
Hermitage Capital Management co-founder Browder, who alleges his life has been threatened by the Putin regime since he and Magnitsky helped to expose its corruption, was not convinced of Dobrovinsky’s sudden change of heart when contacted by Narco News.
“Dobrovinsky could easily have changed his story out of money or fear,” Browder said.
Dobrovinsky’s recanting of the allegations against Kesaev — Browder’s speculation aside — might well have been the end of the matter, if Narco News had not been provided a dossier on Kesaev by a former CIA officer, who claimed to have
http://www.latimes.com/opinion/editoria ... story.html
Editorial A TSA agent who may have lied about a bomb threat can't be sued? That's appalling
The Times Editorial Board
In 1965, narcotics agents burst into the home of Webster Bivens without a warrant, manacled him in front of his family, threatened to arrest his wife and children and marched him off to the Brooklyn courthouse. Six years later, the lawsuit Bivens brought reached the Supreme Court, which ruled for the first time that agents of the federal government could be sued personally for damages if they violated a citizen’s constitutional rights, even if Congress hadn’t explicitly authorized such lawsuits.
That case, Bivens vs. Six Unknown Federal Narcotics Agents, may sound like a landmark decision, and so it seemed at the time. But over the years, the courts have found one excuse after another to ignore its central insight: that if there is a violation of the Constitution, there must also be a remedy.
The most recent example of judicial abdication is a federal appeals court decision protecting a Transportation Security Administration employee who accused a traveler of making a bomb threat — a charge that a judge later found to be baseless — after the man complained about disrespectful treatment during a security screening.
The traveler, an architect named Roger Vanderklok, was preparing to fly from Philadelphia International Airport to Miami in 2013 to participate in a half-marathon. Because his carry-on luggage contained an electronic heart monitor enclosed in a plastic tube, Vanderklok was subjected to a secondary screening supervised by TSA employee Charles Kieser. According to Vanderklok, after he threatened to file a complaint against Kieser for disrespectful and aggressive behavior, the TSA employee called the police and claimed that Vanderklok had suggested that he could bring a bomb to the airport and “you would never find it.”
http://www.smdailyjournal.com/arts_and_ ... 7f76b.html
San Mateo Daily Journal-
San Carlos Sister Cities Association Guest Lecture: FBI Special Agent Michael Gimbel. 7:30 p.m. to 9 p.m. 600 Elm St., San Carlos. Free. FBI Special Agent ...
http://www.afro.com/former-fbi-head-com ... reactions/
Former FBI Head, Comey to Lecture at HU Draws Mixed Reactions
August 26, 2017
Some Washingtonians and Howard University students are somewhat confused by University President Wayne A.I. Frederick’s naming former FBI head James Comey as the 2017-2018 Gwendolyn S. and Colbert I. King Endowed Chair in Public Policy.
“There is no bigger person who is in opposition to Donald Trump – the sitting President — than Comey, so while it may appear like a good thing for students to learn policy from him, his appointment raises other flags for me,” Jeff Canady, a Howard alumnus told the AFRO. “Comey’s relationship, historically, to the FBI and its relationship to Blacks needs to also be examined a bit more fully.”
FILE – In this June 8, 2017, file photo, former FBI director James Comey speaks on Capitol Hill in Washington. Comey will give a series of lectures at Howard University, the historically black college in the nation’s capital and the keynote address at the school’s opening convocation Sept. 2. (AP Photo/Andrew Harnik, File)
However, others welcome the move as a step forward for students and the university.
Comey, who served as the seventh director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation under Barack Obama, will also serve as Howard’s Opening Convocation keynote speaker this year.
“I am pleased to welcome Mr. Comey to Howard,” said Frederick in a statement. “His expertise and understanding of the challenges we continue to face today will go a long way in sparking rich discussion and advancing meaningful debates across campus.”
Trump fired Comey on May 9 after he reportedly refused to investigate and bring charges against former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton for using her family’s private e-mail server for official communications.
Comey’s tenure at Howard includes facilitating five lectures, which will coincide with the release of his highly-anticipated memoir (still untitled), which is set to be published by Flatiron Books in the Spring of 2018.
“His book promises to take us inside those extraordinary moments in our history, showing us how these leaders have behaved under pressure,” Bob Miller, the president and publisher of Flatiron Books, said in a statement. “By doing so, Comey will give us unprecedented entry into the corridors of power, and a remarkable lesson in leadership itself.”
Comey said he was honored to hold the appointment at Howard.
“Howard has a
http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/nyc ... -1.3445236
NYPD top cop James O’Neill overturns judge’s guilty verdict against officer in police misconduct case
, August 26, 2017, 6:06 PM
Police Commissioner James O’Neill made a rare move to overturn an administrative judge’s guilty verdict against an officer in in a police misconduct case. (MARCUS SANTOS)
The city’s top cop has rejected an administrative judge’s guilty verdict against an officer in a police misconduct case — but the public may never know why.
Police Commissioner James O’Neill’s rare move to overturn the July decision and find the officer innocent after a departmental trial was his first time tossing a judge’s ruling. The last time it happened was under Commissioner Bill Bratton in early 2016.
The judge had ruled the cop guilty of some unspecified misconduct, records show.
But neither the NYPD nor the Civilian Complaint Review Board, which prosecuted the case, will disclose why the cop was found guilty, why O'Neill reversed the decision or any details about the case.
“If the police commissioner is going to throw out a guilty verdict, the public deserves to know the details of the case and why the officer escaped punishment,” said Christopher Dunn, associate legal director of the New York Civil Liberties Union.
“Reversals like this perfectly illustrate why police discipline should not be shrouded in secrecy.”
Added Dick Dadey of Citizens Union, “It's outrageous in this day of increased scrutiny of police misconduct that the NYPD doesn't seize this opportunity to inform the public. It's saying to the public, ‘We're hiding information we don't want you to know.’”
https://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/201 ... a-warrant/
Court: Locating suspect via stingray definitely requires a warrant
But, judge rules in Ellis, cops didn't need warrant due to "exigent circumstances."
- 8/26/2017, 9:00
Federal prosecutor struggles to describe stingray use in attempted murder case
A federal judge in Oakland, California has ruled against the suppression of evidence derived from warrantless use of a cell-site simulator. The simulator, a device often referred to as a stingray, was used to locate the lead defendant in an ongoing attempted murder case.
In the 39-page ruling, US District Judge Phyllis Hamilton notably found that the use of stingray to find a man named Purvis Ellis was a "search" under the Fourth Amendment—and therefore required a warrant. However, in this case, the judge also agreed with the government’s assertion that there were exigent circumstances, along with the "good faith exception" to the warrant requirement. In other words, use of the stingray was wholly justified.
"Cell phone users have an expectation of privacy in their cell phone location in real time and that society is prepared to recognize that expectation as reasonable," Judge Hamilton wrote, citing an important Supreme Court decision from 1967 known as United States v. Katz.
But because Ellis was believed to be involved in another shooting that happened one day earlier on January 20, 2013, the judge felt there were exigent circumstances.
"Though Ellis was not known to be the shooter, he was believed to be a suspect in possession of firearms," Judge Hamilton continued. "The need to prevent escape by a suspect presented exigent circumstances here."
"Exigent circumstances" is the idea in American criminal procedure that law enforcement can search or seize
https://books.google.com/books/about/Bl ... 3-OwAACAAJ
Blue by Day, White by Night: Organized White Supremacist Groups in Law ... - Michael Novick - Google Books
Google › books › about › Blue_by_Day...
Title, Blue by Day, White by Night: Organized White Supremacist Groups in Law Enforcement Agencies. Author , Michael Novick. Contributor, People Against Racist Terror (Organization). Publisher, PART, 1993.
http://www.nydailynews.com/news/nationa ... -1.3445822
New Okla. chief of police to resign over allegations of neo-Nazi ties, but claims his identity was stolen
http://www.timesunion.com/news/article/ ... 960452.php
Troy pastors want DA to exit shooting investigation
Albany Times Union-
The participation of the FBI, the State Police and the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives in the city police investigation of the shooting is a ...
http://anthraxvaccine.blogspot.com/2017 ... -with.html
Tuesday, August 22, 2017
Pharma industry ‘getting away with murder’ abroad/ STAT
Chilling report from STATon how Big Pharma is suing governments and overturning patent laws around the world to raise the price of its meds:
By BROOK K. BAKER and KATRINA GEDDES
AUGUST 21, 2017
Seven months after President Trump accused the pharmaceutical industry of “getting away with murder,” he is busy lining the pockets of large pharmaceutical companies worldwide by giving them more power to charge higher prices overseas. Their price monopolies are likely to be extended under a draft executive order promising “greater intellectual property protection” in multilateral and bilateral trade agreements. The North American Free Trade Agreement, for example, has already been pegged to harmonize foreign intellectual property standards to reflect those found in the United States. Canada, it seems, will be the first target of U.S. indoctrination.
The Canadian government has been repeatedly excoriated for its failure to parrot U.S. intellectual property laws, receiving numerous reprimands in congressional hearings and Office of the United States Trade Representative reports for daring to define its own standards of patentability. While the U.S. vehemently defends its own sovereignty and singularity, it seems like it cannot tolerate these principles in other nations.
That was certainly the view held by U.S. pharmaceutical giant Eli Lilly when, in November 2012, it filed an investor-state arbitration claim against the Canadian government for overturning two of its pharmaceutical patents. As McGill University’s E. Richard Gold recently described in STAT, disgruntled with its losses, Eli Lilly sued the Canadian government for $500 million for its “radical departure” from U.S. intellectual property standards. Five years later, the company has spent more than $12 million trying to educate the Canadian government on what is, and what is not, an acceptable margin of change in its domestic law.
The company’s strategy to mold Canadian law in its image ultimately prevailed. In June, the Canadian Supreme Court delivered a stunning decision, overturning decades of Canadian precedent to arrive at the same standard of patentability demanded by Eli Lilly and applied in the U.S.
The U.S. Chamber of Commerce gleefully praised the decision, while Canadian academics lamented the boon to foreign patent holders at the expense of local startups. The Canadian Supreme Court had pre-empted NAFTA’s renegotiation, which had identified Canada’s patentability standards as a “serious problem” that would need to be addressed.
The chilling effect of investor-state arbitration on national sovereignty is not new, and the Eli Lilly case is only one in a long line of throw-downs by deep-pocketed corporations anxious to wring more profits out of foreign markets.
The Australian government spent six years (and millions of taxpayer dollars) defending its plain packaging laws from tobacco giant Phillip Morris in a dispute so decidedly comical it even made the desks of late-night comedy shows. That a sovereign nation could not pass laws designed to protect the health of its citizens without being slapped with a billion-dollar lawsuit seems so determinedly ridiculous that one has to wonder how these disputes continue to arise. But they do — in the shadows of corporate boardrooms, behind the closed doors of arbitral proceedings, and on the fringes of mainstream media.
Here’s another example. The Colombian government had sought to supply its citizens with an affordable generic version of Gleevec, a cancer drug made by Novartis. Worried about losing profits on its $15,000 pill, Novartis threatened the Colombian government with an investor-state dispute, and the Colombian government had no choice but to accede. Similarly, the threat of an $800 million investor-state dispute was used by Gilead Sciences to force the Ukrainian government to deregister a generic drug that was competing with sofosbuvir (Sovaldi), Gilead’s $84,000 hepatitis C medication.
The increasing use of investor-state litigation by big pharmaceutical companies to bully sovereign nations into withdrawing public health measures reflects the broad and dangerous reach of investor-state arbitration. And the strategy isn’t limited to this industry.
Wealthy foreign companies can bring investor-state claims against anygovernment measure that adversely affects corporate profits, including the closure of nuclear power plants, a ban on mining that was contaminating water, or the closure of a poisonous metal smelter.
National governments are increasingly confronting a shrinking domestic policy space, hemmed in by the chilling effect of closed-door arbitration that prioritizes profits over public health. As long as international trade agreements permit investor-state disputes, Eli Lilly, Phillip Morris, Novartis, and other companies will continue to bully sovereign nations into serving their bottom line.
As we continue to witness the private arbitration of public interests, we must ask ourselves whether Trump will continue abetting pharmaceutical companies at “getting away with murder.”
Brook K. Baker is a professor of law at Northeastern University in Boston and senior policy analyst for Health GAP (Global Access Project). Katrina Geddes is a research fellow at Global Access in Action at Harvard Law School.
Posted by Meryl Nass, M.D.
http://farsight.org/FarsightPress/Area_ ... _page.html
Area 51 in Nevada has long been one of the greatest enigmas on Planet Earth. No other governmental facility has had such a high level of secrecy associated with it. President Obama was the first American president to publicly admit that Area 51 even exists. Before that, it was just a spot on the map, a feature in movies such as "Independence Day," a secret military site that ordinary people could not visit and official people could not talk about.
But with President Obama's admission on Sunday, 8 December 2013, that Area 51 exists (see also the CIA acknowledgment) it now becomes a valid target for remote viewing. There are lots of verifiable elements on the surface that can be corroborated with remote viewing done totally blind. The only question remaining is what exists BELOW the surface. That is the million dollar question, and that is what the secrecy is all about.
Now, for the first time ever, the secrecy of what is below Area 51 ends. Farsight sent some of the best and most highly trained remote viewers anywhere to take a look, and all under totally blind conditions. The viewers knew only that "there is a target," nothing more. The viewers did not communicate with one another during the data-collection period. They recorded their data live on video, all solo. And when everything was said and done, the secret of Area 51 was no longer a secret.
The only real "problem" now is that what really is below the surface of Area 51 is stranger than anyone could have possibly imagined. The Area 51 reality extends far beyond the fictional plot of any Hollywood movie. Now we know why all the secrecy has existed regarding that facility. Now we know why "THEY" were afraid to let the public know what "THEY" knew.
Fortunately for this project, mainstream science has not yet accepted remote viewing as real. That state of denial will end one day soon. But the current existence of denial has opened up a window in which the greatest secrets can be told. This is a moment of opportunity, a moment when humans can re-assume control over their own existence by claiming knowledge of that which is. Nothing sets one free more than knowledge of simply "what is."
The Farsight Institute is the leading venue for large public projects involving remote viewing as it is done using methodologies that are derived from those developed and used by the U.S. military for espionage purposes. But Farsight is civilian, and now we focus those methodologies on targets that reveal what has been hidden from so many for so years.
Joseph McMoneagle (born January 10, 1946 in Miami, Florida) is a retired U.S. Army NCO and Chief Warrant Officer. He was involved in "remote viewing" (RV) operations and experiments conducted by U.S. Army Intelligence and the Stanford Research Institute. He was among the first personnel recruited for the classified program now known as the Stargate Project (1978–95). Along with psychic colleague Ingo Swann, McMoneagle is best known for claims surrounding the investigation of RV and the use of paranormal abilities for military intelligence gathering. His interests also include near-death experiences, out-of-body travel and unidentified flying objects.
Nickname(s) Remote Viewer No. 1
Born January 10, 1946 (age 71)
Allegiance United States of America
Service/branch United States Army
Years of service 1964–1984 (20 years)
Rank Chief Warrant Officer
Unit Stargate Project, DIA
Awards Legion of Merit
Other work Monroe Institute
McMoneagle describes a remarkable memory of very early childhood events. He grew up surrounded by alcoholism, abuse and poverty. As a child, he had visions at night when scared, and began to hone his psychic abilities in his teens for his own protection when he hitchhiked. He enlisted in the Army in 1964, at the age of 18, to get away from the family turmoil. McMoneagle subsequently became an experimental remote viewer while serving in U.S. Army Intelligence.
McMoneagle's early career was as an NCO and he retired after 20 years as a chief warrant officer. He was severely injured in a helicopter accident in Vietnam. He was involved in intelligence work for 15 years. From 1978, he was known as "Remote Viewer No. 1" at Project Stargate — the U.S. Army's psychic intelligence unit at Fort Meade, Maryland. At his retirement McMoneagle earned his Legion of Merit for his last 10 years of service, including 5 years of work in SIGINT (SIGnals INTelligence) and 5 years in the RV program. He retired from the Army in 1984, but continued work as a consultant at Stargate until 1993.
In 1995, funding for Project Stargate was terminated and the unit was decommissioned after the official finding that "no discernible benefit had been established". McMoneagle became a speaker at the Monroe Institute, where he had previously been sent as part of his RV training. McMoneagle then ran an RV business aimed at the corporate world called Intuitive Intelligence Applications, Inc. His services included that "he can help a wildcatter find an oil well or a quarry operator know where to mine".
Views and assertions
According to McMoneagle, remote viewing is possible and accurate outside the boundaries of time. He believes he has remote-viewed into the past, present, and future and has predicted future events. Among the subjects he claims to have remote-viewed are a Chinese nuclear facility, the Iranian hostage crisis, the Red Brigades, and Muammar Qadhafi. He writes that he predicted the location and existence of the Soviet "Typhoon"-class submarine in 1979, and that in mid-January 1980, satellite photos confirmed those predictions. McMoneagle says the military remote viewing program was ended partly due to stigma: "Everybody wanted to use it, but nobody wanted to be caught dead standing next to it. There’s an automatic ridicule factor. ‘Oh, yeah, psychics.’ Anybody associated with it could kiss their career goodbye." Supporters of his claims include Charles Tart.
According to author Paul H. Smith, McMoneagle predicted "several months" into the future, and McMoneagle's own accounts provide differing claims of accuracy of his remote viewing, varying from 5 to 95 percent to between 65 and 75 percent. McMoneagle claims that remote viewing is not always accurate but that it was able to locate hostages and downed airplanes. Of other psychics, he says that "Ninety-eight percent of the people are kooks."
McMoneagle's future predictions included the passing of a teenager's "Right to Work" Bill, a new religion without the emphasis of Christianity, a science of the soul, a vaccine for AIDS, a movement to eliminate television, and a 'temporary tattoo' craze that would replace the wearing of clothing, all of which were supposedly to take place between 2002 and 2006.
He reports that he worked with Dean Radin at the Consciousness Research Laboratory, University of Nevada, Las Vegas to seek patentable ideas via remote viewing for a "future machine" Radin conceived. McMoneagle also says he has worked on missing person cases in Washington, San Francisco, New York and Chicago. as well as employing remote viewing as a time machine to make various observations such as the origin of the human species. According to McMoneagle, humans came from creatures somewhat like sea otters rather than primates and were created in a laboratory by creators who "seeded" the earth and then departed. p
McMoneagle was featured on a National Geographic Channel episode of "Naked Science" along with parapsychologist Edwin C. May who tested McMoneagle's ability to "remote view" six locations in the San Francisco Bay area, with mixed results.
In 1994, McMoneagle appeared on an ABC network television special Put to the Test also with Edwin May who said that "About 20 per cent of what Joe does is as close to spectacular as I can possibly wish. Scientists don't like to use the term "miracle" very often, but this is as close to one as you can imagine". According to Dean Radin, "The best psychic averages about 3 in 10, like the best baseball hitters .300, the rest of us bat about 1 or 2 in 10." According to paranormal researcher Brian Dunning "The only thing I found impressive about McMoneagle's demonstration was their editing and narration job to make it look like the most amazing and miraculous psychic feat in history." The show took a 15-minute test and edited it down to 2 minutes leaving only what the producers felt were the best hits. After McMoneagle's vague pronouncements of a metallic sound, a pedestrian bridge, something tall that isn't a building, a river or running water, something with a stripe on it and perpendicular lines.
In 1995, McMoneagle defended the Stargate program in an interview for the Washington Post.
McMoneagle co-wrote an episode of the psychic science fiction show The Dead Zone. In the episode, remote viewing was used in the hunt for Osama Bin Laden. USA Network, which aired The Dead Zone, canceled the episode's initially scheduled broadcast because of concern about the subject matter, but did air the program a few months later, after the series returned from a mid-season hiatus.
In 2002, McMoneagle started receiving regular coverage on Nippon Television's prime-time Chounouryoku Sousakan show (roughly translated, "FBI: Psychic Investigator"), during which he performed remote viewings related to unsolved police cases.
In 2004, in Jon Ronson's Crazy Rulers of the World documentary (Episode 3, "The Psychic Footsoldiers", Channel 4), McMoneagle was interviewed and vividly described his technique for traveling "out of body" to Communist China to remotely view a trigger mechanism in a military nuclear weapons laboratory.
Mind Trek: Exploring Consciousness, Time, and Space Through Remote Viewing. Hampton Roads Publishing Company. 1993. ISBN 1-878901-72-9. OCLC 29858629.
The Ultimate Time Machine: A Remote Viewer's Perception of Time and Predictions for the New Millennium. Charlottesville, VA: Hampton Roads Publishing Company. 1998. ISBN 978-1-57174-102-8. OCLC 40308919.
Remote Viewing Secrets: A Handbook. Charlottesville, VA: Hampton Roads Publishing Company. 2000. ISBN 1-57174-159-3. OCLC 44115863.
The Stargate Chronicles: Memoirs of a Psychic Spy. Charlottesville, VA: Hampton Roads Publishing Company. 2002. ISBN 1-57174-225-5. OCLC 50679067.
^ a b Nigel West (26 June 2006). Historical Dictionary of International Intelligence. Scarecrow Press. pp. 242–. ISBN 978-0-8108-6493-1.
^ a b Memoirs of a Psychic Spy : The Remarkable Life of U.S. Government Remote Viewer 001 by Joseph McMoneagle, Hampton Roads Publishing Co., 2002, 2006, Revised and updated version of McMoneagles' The Stargate Chronicles, first edition
^ a b Szegedy-Maszak, Marianne; Charles Fenyvesi (19 January 2003). "Enemies in the mind's eye". US News. Retrieved 2009-05-04.
^ See complete text of Joseph McMoneagle's Legion of Merit and Certificate in Memoirs of a Psychic Spy: The Remarkable Life of U.S. Government Remote Viewer 001 by Joseph McMoneagle, Hampton Roads Publishing Co., 2002, 2006, pp. 287–88, This book is an updated version of McMoneagle's The Stargate Chronicles, The first edition[self-published source?]
^ a b National Geographic program about Remote Viewing and McMoneagle[permanent dead link], February 2005
^ Reading the Enemy's Mind: Inside Star Gate: America's Psychic Espionage Program By Paul H. Smith, Forge Books, 2004
^ Mind Trek: Exploring Consciousness, Time, and Space Through Remote Viewing by Joseph McMoneagle, Hampton Roads, Publishing Co., Inc., 1997[self-published source?]
^ "Looking into Higher Dimensions: Research with Joseph McMoneagle", Ronald Bryan 2007, p. 2
^ "Captain of My Ship, Master of My Soul", F. Holmes Atwater, p. 127 ISBN 1-57174-247-6.
Company listing for Intuitive Intelligence Applications
^ Weeks, Linton, "Up Close & Personal with a Remote Viewer: Joe McMoneagle Defends the Secret Project", The Washington Post, 4 December 1995.
^ Memoirs of a Psychic Spy : The Remarkable Life of U.S. Government Remote Viewer 001 by Joseph McMoneagle, Hampton Roads Publishing Co., 2002, 2006, p. 123, Revised and updated version of McMoneagles' The Stargate Chronicles, first edition
^ a b c d Cote, John (5 January 2003). "Psychics, Others Offer to Help Police in Search". The Modesto Bee. Retrieved 2009-05-04.
^ The Ultimate Time Machine: A Remote Viewer's Perception of Time and Predictions for the New Millennium by Joseph McMoneagle, Foreword by Charles T. Tart, Hampton Roads Publishing Co., Inc., 1998
^ Reading the Enemy's Mind: Inside Star Gate America's Psychic Espionage Program by Paul H. Smith, Forge Books, 2005, pp. 128–29
^ Mind Trek: Exploring Consciousness, Time, and Space Through Remote Viewing by Joseph McMoneagle, Hampton Roads, Publishing Co., Inc., 1997, p. 216
^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2007-10-12. Retrieved 2008-01-23. Psychic World / Summer 1998
^ McMoneagle, The Ultimate Time Machine, p. 173
^ a b McMoneagle, The Ultimate Time Machine, p. 170
^ McMoneagle, The Ultimate Time Machine, p. 244
^ McMoneagle, The Ultimate Time Machine, p. 158
^ The Ultimate Time Machine: A Remote Viewer's Perception of Time and Predictions for the New Millennium by Joseph McMoneagle, Hampton Roads, Publishing Co., Inc., 1998, p. 109
^ The Ultimate Time Machine: A Remote Viewer's Perception of Time and Predictions for the New Millennium by Joseph McMoneagle, Hampton Roads Publishing Co., Inc., 1998 pp. 93–94
^ Institute of Noetic Sciences | Consciousness | Science | Spirituality | Wisdom Archived 2007-11-11 at the Wayback Machine.
^ remote viewing
^ Memoirs of a Psychic Spy: The Remarkable Life of U.S. Government Remote Viewer 001, Hampton Roads Publishing Co.,Inc, 2002, 2006, pp. 230–36
^ The scientific edge, UNLV professor explores the link between mind and matter by Mary Manning, Las Vegas Sun, 14 Sep 1996, "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2007-12-03. Retrieved 2014-02-10.
^ Dunning, Brian. "Skeptoid #44: The Truth About Remote Viewing". Skeptoid. Retrieved 2011-11-09.
^ Weeks, Linton. "Up Close & Personal with a Remote Viewer: Joe McMoneagle Defends the Secret Project" Washington Post, 04 December 1995
^ Sullivan, Brian Ford. "USA to Air Banned Episode of 'Dead Zone'". The Futon Critic. Retrieved September 23, 2012.
^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2009-06-30. Retrieved 2009-07-05. Footage from Chounouryoku Sousakan 8
Official website of Joseph and Nancy McMoneagle
Burnett, Thom (2005). Conspiracy Encyclopedia. Collins & Brown. ISBN 1-84340-287-4.